生力公司总裁 独裁者后裔还是精明企业家？

摘要：
　　作为世界知名啤酒公司生力集团的主席兼首席执行官埃杜阿多·科库阿科，得到了绝大多数菲律宾人民的景仰，不过与此同时还有强烈的抵触情绪。
　　Eduardo Cojuangco Jr., chairman and chief executive of San Miguel, is a man Filipinos admire - and loathe.
　　作为世界知名啤酒公司生力集团的主席兼首席执行官埃杜阿多·科库阿科，得到了绝大多数菲律宾人民的景仰，不过与此同时还有强烈的抵触情绪。

　　据《国际先驱报》6月18日报道，生力啤酒如今在菲律宾国内的市场占有率达到了90％，并一跃成为亚洲市场上最有影响力的啤酒品牌之一。

　　科库阿科正试图把生力集团打造成集食品、饮料以及其他业务于一身的综合型企业。在巩固本国核心业务正常运转的同时，科库阿科将目光投向了更有潜力的海外市场，包括泰国、马来西亚、印度尼西亚、新加坡、越南、中国以及澳大利亚。几个月前，生力公司收购了一家澳大利亚乳制品公司——国家食品公司，这标志着生力集团的澳洲之旅正式开启。

　　2004年，生力集团的总资产已经达到2350亿比索（约合42.4亿美元），而2003年仅为1770亿比索，涨幅惊人。去年，生力啤酒的销量创造了历史新纪录，因此也一举将公司净收益推向了81亿比索，比上年同期上涨了10％。

　　报道说，在《福布斯》最近的评选中，科库阿科已经成为了南亚地区第31位的富翁，总资产达到5.27亿美元。

　　赫赫战功让科库阿科得到了国内外人士的景仰，然而民众对他额抵触情绪也另有渊源。现年70岁的科库阿科的确取得了不俗的战绩，但由于他与被迫离职的菲律宾前任总理马可斯的密切联系，以及为了保证生力集团掌控权而与现任菲律宾政府之间的种种交易，仍然有大量公民对其抱有抵触的态度。

　　为库阿科写传记的作者埃尔·帕诺罗先生这样评价他：“他是一位极其忠诚的人，因此他希望其他人也能同样忠诚于他。”

　　1983年，创建生力集团的家族中产生了矛盾。科库阿科借机收购了生力公司的股份。1986年，迫于“人民力量”起义行动的压力，菲律宾时任总理马可斯被驱逐出境，科库阿科也紧随其后离开了菲律宾，其在生力中占有的股份再次被菲律宾总统廉政委员会所剥夺。

　　在1989年重返故乡之后，科库阿科开始了一系列夺回生力的行动。由于清楚地认识到了政治的力量，科库阿科开始准备竞选总理。虽然在竞选最终失败，他的合作伙伴约瑟夫·埃斯特拉达却成为了菲律宾的副总理，并且在1998年凭借科库阿科的帮助最终登顶总理宝座。在埃斯特拉达成功当选总理9天之后，科库阿科就如愿以偿回到了生力公司总裁的位置。帮助他完成该梦想的正是埃斯特拉达政府指定的领导评选小组。

　　然而好景不长，2001年，埃斯特拉达就如同曾经的马科斯，再次被罢免。但这次的科库阿科已经精明了许多，他在生力公司的地位已经根深蒂固，不会因为国内政治的变动而动摇。

　　但2001年风云突变，菲律宾最高法庭宣布科库阿科旗下47％的生力公司股份中的27％属于椰子农，即属于公共基金。为了保护自己在公司占据的股份，挽回过去的损失并且稳固在生力公司中的绝对统治地位，科库阿科与日本麒麟啤酒公司建立了合作伙伴关系。

　　菲律宾政日前表示，从科库阿科手中收回的生力公司公共基金股份将再次被拍卖，而科库阿科也有意向再次进行收购。不过外界人士希望政府保持住这些股份，不要被科库阿科再次掌握。

　　菲律宾有证券分析家表示：“科库阿科正在努力拉拢海外支持者，而支持者数量的增加则意味着想通过政府来撼动他的地位已经越来越难了。”

　　（国际在线独家资讯 李远 ）


　　Eduardo Cojuangco Jr., chairman and chief executive of San Miguel, is a man Filipinos admire - and loathe.

　　His food and drinks empire cuts a wide swath from Southeast Asia and China all the way to Australia. Its flagship product, San Miguel Beer, commands more than 90 percent of the Philippine beer market, and the company says it is one of Asia's top brands.

　　Cojuangco's prowess in maneuvering San Miguel into the largest publicly listed food, beverage and packaging company in the Philippines - and to keep it rolling in profit - often generates awe among the country's business elite.

　　While streamlining operations to focus on core businesses, he has pursued an ambitious expansion since he took over in 1998, spreading to Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Vietnam, China and, most recently, Australia, where San Miguel acquired National Foods, a major dairy company.

　　The company's total assets grew to 235 billion pesos, or $4.24 billion, in 2004 from 177 billion pesos in 2003, and San Miguel Beer is selling at record levels, pushing net income to 8.1 billion pesos last year, up 10 percent from a year earlier.

　　"If we are going to stay competitive today and in the future, San Miguel must look outside the Philippines and into the region," Cojuangco told stockholders during their annual meeting last month. "It's as simple as that."

　　Yet if Cojuangco places a premium on any asset, it's on loyalty - to him and to his company, according to people who know him.

　　That may be because in the Philippines, Cojuangco, 70, is also loathed by many for the way he has used his ties to the ousted former president, Ferdinand Marcos, and to the present government to keep San Miguel within his tight control.

　　"He is an extremely loyal person and he expects his people to have the same loyalty to him," said Earl Parre?o, author of "Boss Danding," an unauthorized biography of Cojuangco. "He is not called 'The Boss' for nothing."

　　Cojuangco, who declined repeated interview requests for this article, left the Philippines with Marcos when the former president was forced out in 1986 by the "people power" revolt - and said he'd never set foot back in the country without him. Marcos's trusted ally kept his promise, returning only after the president died in 1989.

　　But if Cojuangco was a controversial figure when he fled, he inflamed passions further when he returned in 1989. More than ever before, San Miguel has become the setting for the most contentious power struggle in Philippine business - one whose influence strikes beyond the boardroom and into Philippine politics, as well as the lives of millions of poor Filipino farmers.

　　Cojuangco - the 31st-richest person in Southeast Asia, according to Forbes, with an estimated wealth of $527 million - earned his reputation as a shrewd, some say ruthless, businessman during the Marcos dictatorship, where he was the civilian Marcos trusted the most. "They had a father-son relationship," Parre?o said.

　　In 1973, Marcos began collecting taxes, called the coconut levy because it was intended to develop the coconut industry, from farmers. Cojuangco, who at the time worked in the private sector running family corporations including Northern Cement and Santa Clara Logging, administered the fund and used it to put up a bank of which he was chairman. In 1983, he used bank money to buy San Miguel shares that were relinquished to him by a cousin of the company's founders in a bitter family feud.

　　His shares in the company, then totaling 47 percent, were seized by the Presidential Commission on Good Government after Marcos was deposed. Cojuangco had bought these shares, the commission always argued, for about 2 billion pesos using the farmers' money. The shares are now worth 100 billion pesos.

　　When Cojuangco returned to the Philippines after Marcos's death, he immediately worked to regain San Miguel. Because his shares had been seized by the government, he sought to augment his political capital by running for president in 1992. He lost, but his running mate, the actor Joseph Estrada, won the vice presidency. In 1998, Estrada ran for president under Cojuangco's party, the Nationalist People's Coalition, and won.

　　Just nine days after Estrada was sworn in, in 1998, Cojuangco was back at San Miguel as chairman, voted in by the government-appointed directors on the board. When Estrada was ousted in 2001 in an uprising similar to the one in 1986, Cojuangco was already too well-entrenched to be affected by the upheaval.

　　But in 2001, the Supreme Court ruled that 27 percent of Cojuangco's 47 percent share in San Miguel was owned by the coconut farmers and was a public fund. To protect his remaining share and to make up for the lost portion - and the board seats that went with it - Cojuangco formed a partnership with Kirin Brewery of Japan.

　　The government has said it intends to sell its San Miguel shares, which Cojuangco would like to buy. But some of his critics want the government to hold on to its stake.

　　Haydee Yorac, who ran the Presidential Commission on Good Government, has been seen as a thorn in Cojuangco's side since 2001. She fears the government will cede its shares at fire-sale prices. She left the commission in April in a move that some critics say showed Cojuangco's clout as well as the enormity of what is at stake for San Miguel.

　　"People wanted me out of there," Yorac said in an interview, citing her opposition to any fire sale of the government's shares.

　　Analysts expect Cojuangco to continue to pursue the shares as part of a plan to solidify his grip on the company, with an eye toward further expansion. He garnered another nickname - Pac-Man - for gobbling up small companies in the Marcos era.

　　"It's not just his 'Pac-Man' mentality at work here," said one consumer analyst with a Philippine-based securities firm, who declined to be identified, citing his coverage of the company. "This is survival: The more foreign alliances Cojuangco has, the less likely the government will rock his boat."

摘自：国际在线